La Mujer Uruguaya No Tiene Derechos.” [“The Political Rights of Women. Uruguayan Women Have No Rights.”] Countries where women had full or partial voting rights are shown in white, and those where women lacked these rights—including almost all of Latin America—are in black. This is to my knowledge the earliest map to depict women’s political rights across the globe. It is reminiscent of the millions of maps issued during the long campaign for woman’s suffrage here in the United States, though these broke down voting rights state-by-state rather than worldwide. Efforts aimed at supporting a gender equality agenda are primarily justified by achieving a more inclusive and fair society that guarantees access to the same opportunities, regardless of origins and individual features- for instance, gender. At the same time, gender equality can also be greatly beneficial from an economic point of view.

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However, these clients experienced their process as something that they do not want to have to go through again. In fact, all of them said that, until discovering an unwanted pregnancy, they saw abortion as a very remote possibility, something that they would not have to go through or that they would not be capable of doing.

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Finally, we discuss how these aspects relate to business thinking about the increase in the female participation in top management of big companies and business associations in Uruguay. Her link to cinema was well known by then and mirrored the pedagogical impulses within the charity sphere mentioned earlier in this essay. Almost a decade earlier, in 1917, Luisi organized the conference “Cinema, a School Ally,” held in the Biógrafo Uruguayo, which was conceived to be laboratory for testing the potentialities of films projections in pedagogical contexts. Indeed, the first attempt to produce a fiction film in Uruguay, in 1915, was fostered by an elite women’s charity association with nationalistic and educational aims. Although the film, titled Artigas, was never completed, for almost a year news of the project occupied space in the society sections of several newspapers and, therefore, in people’s collective imagination.

In Uruguay, however, this practice was prolonged, in charity film exhibition, until the end of the 1920s. In these decades, charity shows often mingled the latest foreign feature films and self-produced actualities with projections of photographic series. These fixed presentations offered portraits of the ladies and children of the ruling class—both in serious and comic fashion—and shots of social events, mostly charity parties, walks on the beach, outings to the racetrack, dances in sumptuous hotels, and weddings. Hereon after, we will refer to abortion providers as health professionals who participate in abortion services, or simply as health professionals. We do this in order to highlight the broad spectrum of work that these professionals are involved in, rather than pigeonholing their work as simply abortion provision.

Before the 1970s, Uruguay was known as the freest and safest South American country, with an exemplary judiciary system. During the military dictatorship (1973–1985), personal and human rights were suspended, and formal social control was directed at suppressing “subversive” activities.

Further, they believed that decriminalization had contributed to changing Uruguayans’ overall attitude towards abortion. During the interview, women were asked about a hypothetical doctor refusing to provide abortion services.

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The legislative branch consists of a bicameral general assembly with ninety-nine representatives and thirty senators and the vice president. The Supreme Court is the highest body in a judicial branch based on Spanish civil law. Jobs in rural areas often are obtained though historical connections among families or through the system of compadrazgo, in which the children of rural workers are given a godfather or godmother from the local elite when they are baptized. The father and the godfather become compadres, and the mother and godmother become comadres.

The names of these middle and potentially working-class women revealed here allow us to think of female performances in movie theaters in the first decades of the century as important professional work. Not only are they instances of female engagement with cinema outside of the elite sphere, but they also go beyond the domestic musical activities of “marriageable” girls or the conservatory environment. Their names also return to us a space in the new modern social order in which these women took part and, in which, following the fast and multiple images on the screen, they could improvise and create music with their pianos, violins, and orchestras as part of their jobs. To return to the notion of “diverse figures,” it is possible to map out a variety of ways that women outside of the upper class engaged with cinema during the silent era. These scattered but very specific examples of intellectual and literary engagement with cinema by female writers, poets, and thinkers show how women, in fact, not only participated in film screenings and events to promote and fund their charitable work.